Athens, 13 March 2008

Dear friends,

The country faces a deep and multi-layered crisis. The most visible threat of a global economic crisis maximizes the risks and make the problems more acute. At the same time, our national issues revived. The Greece, leaving time to roll against her and the opportunities slip one after another, because of the cowardice of the political leadership and the fear of political cost, starts every time worse than start with the negotiations to solve them .
1. All fronts have opened and shape backdrop of deep and dangerous crisis.
Crisis of values. The continuing revelations of scandals concerning the management of public money, have hurt the value system on which society depends. The “steal to got it” has become an axiom. The service of the public interest causes ironically comments. The odyniroteri aspect of the scandal at the Ministry of Culture enclosed between the degree aftoexeftelismou, which can reach a young person today to secure a place in the public and the cynicism of a government that did not hesitate to invite 22,000 candidates to occupy 148 seats, for which they had already qualified as “successful.”
Crisis institutions. The credibility crisis affects all the pillars of democracy. Citizens distrust in government, party, parliament, media, justice, unions.
Crisis political system. Citizens appear in all measurements opinion totally frustrated by the government of New Democracy He was not alternative power in opposition and mainly in PASOK. It is the first time since 1974, where the alternation of the two parties in power in the governance of the country is not considered a settlement by citizens.
Crisis, rot and decay compose a nightmarish cloud that shrouds the public life of the country.
Two. The Karamanlis, four years after its rise to power in the flag of “modesty and humility,” the “reestablishment of the state” and “reforms” and six months after the reelection, immersed daily in the quagmire of corruption, cowardice and inaction. The Greek citizens possessed of deep frustration and pessimism. And the reasons are many: The economic crunch caused by rampant accuracy. Insecurity about the future, both their own from the threatened collapse of the pension system and their children from growing unemployment. The continuing deterioration of the level of education and health systems. Environmental destruction and degradation of quality of life.
The law of the boomerang is relentless. Farther and loudly hurling more quickly and violently, your returns. The government employs moralizing the public with more scandals than to produce her work.
Three. The political and moral collapse of the Karamanlis government does not surprise me. I had also envisaged. The collapse of PASOK is causing grief and frustration not only unable to recover the government’s wear. Mostly unable to convince me that is the alternative power. The problem is not the failure of the Government. The problem is the inability of PASOK give vent to widespread frustration of public opinion. For the first time the phenomenon of reducing confidence in the government to follow, with greater speed, reduced confidence in the Opposition.
Six months after the painful defeat of Sept. 16, PASOK is in free fall. Unable to antipolitefthei. The introversion devours the flesh. No political opponent is not catapulted heavier categories than those exchanged daily between the party leaders. PASOK after the government devalued the work period Simitis after cannibalize the Prime Minister of EMU, Cyprus’s accession to the EU and its modern infrastructure, discredits and managerial potential. Conflicts of peak transported the bifurcation at the base. Instead of producing policy PASOK feeds columns of petty.
The polls reveal the simple truth: They do not trust people a party that discredits his work, devalues ​​strains, divides its base does not produce policy and its leader is not convincing. The responsibilities of leadership is given. But the causes of deterioration of PASOK is much deeper and effort of repairing the progressive faction much more complex than a simple change of leadership.
4. Many speak of a crisis of bipartisanship. The crisis affects the political system as a whole. The structural weaknesses of the system also affects Left parties. As a protest party and without proposals covering up their weaknesses.
The Communist Party remains trapped in a palaiomarxistiko reason, refuses to see reality. Was still at 1918. Position is the rejection of any change affecting vested corporatist interests in the public sector. Defending a doomed by history economic and social system, after Russia and China and even Cuba the leaves.
The “early spring” of the Coalition, because the emergence of the leadership of a youthful character, contemporary life-style, I believe that it is temporary and cyclical phenomenon. It is reasonable to touch a youth alienated from politics because of the depreciation of the parties and the protesters for the current image, PASOK voters. The flowering of the Coalition will last as it takes the hibernation of PASOK. The moment of truth will come when the new leadership moved from suing speech and activism in specific positions and proposals power.
Sealing of the credibility crisis of the parties is that succeeded to show off as equal interlocutors from Parliament by the TV studios, far-right LAOS party executives and celebrator of dictatorship.
The area of ​​education, where the Left parties exercise significant influence over the party youth and trade unionists are revealing about how they perceive the exercise of power, and I respect the values ​​and struggles of the left. But I think that the “struggle” in the field of Education cancel both. The Left parties have changed to patrons corporatist interests of outmoded educational establishment, which sees assessment as a product of a … market perception of Education. To arm their party youths maintain the educational quagmire and sit most repulsive transaction, which has been institutionalized in universities, in the context of student participation.
5. At times many have said much about the causes of the crisis. Fear of personal political cost prevents, those who have identified, say public those individual bonds. This attitude does not benefit the political life nor the place. I feel today imperative duty to put “the finger on the sore spot” and say things as their names. To tell the truth as I see it of course.
The main causes that led to the political system in the current impasse are:
A. The parties of the dictatorship of party principles and values ​​which had envisioned the Constitutional Legislature of 1975, degenerated into government-funded bureaucratic mechanisms. The party participation became “profession.” Clientelism gigantic. The power became an end in itself. The partisan interests identified with the staff and ousted the general interest, which are the essence of the actual policy. The possession of power has replaced the ideologies and was the motivation for the party affiliations.
B. partisanship, the penetration of the logic of partisan interest, in all institutions of democracy-from justice to the armed forces-in all social spaces-of unionism and education to culture and sport-created substrate on which flourish decadent symptoms of public life: cronyism, interlinking corruption.
C. osmosis party and trade mechanisms reported in parties corporatist logics. Cons Andreas Papandreou foundation of Republic-Parliament, Government, Trade Unionism-eroded by the action of mechanisms. Formed a peculiar “consortium” of party and union officials for the “pro rata” manipulation and looting every field of action. Clientelism, the anaxiokratiki advancement, kickbacks were treatment throughout the representative system.
D. embrace party and state and party and trade mechanism is bidirectional and anatrofodotoumenes consequences nationalization of parties and kommatikopoiisi the state. Given that the trainee unionism today is partisan kratikodiaitos corporate unionism in the broader public sector (young people and workers in the private sector have long since turned their backs) were led gradually to ‘dimosioupallilopoiisi “of political life. State officials of the narrow and the wider public sector trade unionists generally dominate the parliament and local government. It is a striking revelation of Alekos Papadopoulos that 90% of departmental advisers are civil servants.

E. The effect on public television ‘windows’ exerts a catalytic influence on the emergence of political potential. With the exception of very few politicians who articulate political discourse, most of the protagonists of “TV studios’ invited primarily by causing increased audience, in every way. In large constituencies however, the entrance to the Parliament judged by the incidence of the channels rather than the political presence and action.
Result of the influence of all these factors in public life is the continuous degradation of the level and quality of political forces at governmental, parliamentary and sub-national.
Inevitable consequence of the crisis of public confidence in politicians and parties. Nine out of ten people believe that parties need radical changes, while the vast majority believes that parties reflect only the interests of the party nomenklatura.
6. It is imperative to stop the descent. The political system leads the country into anarchy. Greece is in danger of losing what has been gained in the past and many believe course for the future. In our globalized arena of international competition we are unable to stand with claims.
The Republic is threatened by crisis. Certainly not in danger of a new dictatorship. The berlouskonismos and lepenismos but constitute most dangerous threats. Why use the rules of democracy and not violence. The frustration, insecurity and economic crisis are already suitable substrate for incubating the “egg of Phidias’ in our country.
Greece needs a new dictatorship. Critical to our future reforms in education, social security and public administration should stop are shuttled ping-pong between the parties and to perpetuate the rut. New rules of the political game are levied. The request for an effective progressive governance promoted by every progressive citizen, regardless of the political and social space belongs.
The progressive faction can and should respond to this responsibility. Just concurrently the following conditions:

7. 4 + 1 conditions for the revival of the progressive faction, deterministic path of PASOK to shrinkage and obsolescence can be overcome by executives and grassroots understand the causes and assume the cuts and roll required. The causes of rampant decay PASOK are not limited to the responsibility of leadership. Are deeper problems and the effort to regain its leading role is much more complex than a simple change of leadership
First. PASOK has basically become a party mechanisms and not the society.
Is the dominance of the mechanisms that has sterilize the political articulation has damaged its credibility and not allow the assignment of the demands of society and the developments of our time.
They are the same mechanisms that had imposed the abandonment of reform and modernization in lowering second term Simitis. They are the same mechanisms that shorting and George Papandreou and turned the modernist and reformist spirit in a life style, without political bounced. The embrace of party and trade mechanisms turned his PASOK party and conservative statist. Phobic towards change. Deep PASOK tenure of power, governmental or party is what has left the society out of the party organization. You need deep incision from the base to the apex of the pyramid in order to eliminate the mechanisms to reconnect PASOK with society and redo the expression.
While the problem across Europe is for real autonomy of trade unionism against policy, PASOK problem is the independent living of the government-funded company unionism. The society and the economy need a strong and reliable trade union movement. It is time the State, political parties and unions to rearrange their relationships.
Monday. Turn left and return to the roots indicated by many to PASOK to find his way to power. In the elections of 16 September we lost to the left and to the right. The losses, however, to the right was greater because count double. Maintained forces in grass roots and reunited with the rural world, where the rate increased by 5 points. Victory in the elections but not now give the worker and peasant votes that increasingly reduced to the current social stratification. The victory gives the middle ground, constituting mainly freelancers, craftsmen, young entrepreneurs, young farmers, qualified employees in the public and private sectors.
Strategy of the middle space is the choice for a victorious center-left.
Tuesday. PASOK has again become the party of CHANGE, with contemporary content. Reform must be the identity of the new PASOK. Reforms are term survival for Greece EMU in the era of globalization. Reforms in the true sense of the word are the intersections that push the country towards progress in social awareness and justice. Require vision for society and plan for the welfare state. So I always connected with the progressive faction.
The Labour Party of England remained in the opposition 18 years but remained riveted on stillness, on the left and obsession in cohabitation with the unions. New Labour managed to dominate the political affairs of Great Britain and to lead the vanguard of Europe after showed the door to union and chose the policy of reform and the middle space.
Wednesday. Is another offer to our Karamanlis depreciation of the work of the Simitis government even from the same top-then-government officials. Suicide party that discredits his work and maximizes his mistakes, not as part of a positive self-criticism, but the altar petty rivalries party matters. The welfare state was founded by Papandreou and modern European Greece that was built by Costas Simitis, are the two pillars upon which we can build the new PASOK.
Thursday. I respect the individuality and appreciate the offer of the current leader of PASOK in Greece, as a member of the Simitis governments. Rightly chosen to lead the party in 2004. Four years in leadership is not convinced the public that can provide an alternative to the leader of the conservative party. The leader of a democratic party but should not equate the face of the future with the future of the party. Should assume its responsibilities towards its place, party and family traditions associated with historic victories and not humiliating defeats. The amount of effort which should create is what determines the size of the leader to be trusted.

Dear friends
Find proexethesa are filing for me heart.

The greatest threat to democracy is the fear of reforms and changes.

This, however, societies alienated and occurs the rut.

Alexis de Tocqueville

The history of Greece as a modern state is the chronicle of a rare intermittent delay in pursuing reforms, which dictate specific developments. Thus, the economic progress brought about by slower degrees, while institutions and our infrastructure usually fall short in relation to our economic progress.

It is also known that the Greeks are glib and creative. See what should be done. And when done, adapt to it and thrive. In reality, after all, is the development of the Greek diaspora.

However, in Greece displays a social conservatism postpone, suspend or overturn the reforms, depending on the circumstances. The phenomena of individualism and “shots” are the main causes of this “antidynamikis.”

But there are times when the Greeks of “cast” as written by Ritsos. And then the resulting bright intervals, eg, the period from 1909 to 1913. Unfortunately, however these intervals succeeding periods of regression. Costas Simitis in a speech he referred to the “strangeness of history” who wants Greece to move forward, but after hesitating and “returns back.” We are currently experiencing this “weirdness” of history.

The reforms and European roadmap is the constant guidance of my journey. So I concur side when those who believe that they represent and ensure the reform process in the specific political context. This is my version of progress, as opposed to maintenance, which is steadily antimetarrythmistiki.

I believe that the younger generation today convinced of the need to overcome the causes that have led to involvement reforms. So it is optimistic. The vision of progress with the aim to accelerate the pace of our order to converge with the most advanced partners in the European Union can again, rally the majority of the Greeks, the demand for modernization dictated reforms and undertaking political cost is always topical.

THE CAUSES OF DELAY METARRYTHMISTIKIS

The weaknesses of our political system are the main cause of reform idle – often antimetarrythmistikon recant in our country. Since the establishment of the Greek state in the 19th century until today the main source of Greek ‘lag’, the main obstacle to the formulation of an effective, democratic and socially just society is the logic of electioneering and customer relationships that dominate our political system. Thus created a series of dead ends and glitches that undermines the development and progress of the country.

The partisanship

Pathogenicity was previously expressed by party leaders and favoritism. Today expressed partisanship, ie the tendency of parties to penetrate all aspects of our society and seek to attract-and often-guardianship of their favor. The unbridled kommatikopoiisi that prevailed after the regime change, has undermined the autonomy and independence of institutions, values ​​and goals of each social space. Has imposed itself as a logical pursuit of partisan interests by the Public Administration by Culture and Sport. Too has been replaced by televised and democratically liked. Why too has a long perspective and are often short-term unpleasant.

Where the objective of the parties is to capture the state dominates the trend is to maintain the Status-quo, which guarantees the benefits of customer relationship management. The suspension or preventing reforms that aim to serve the public interest, the general welfare, but endanger the party interest, is the inevitable consequence.

The statism

The partisan control of the state leads to gigantism and hence the expansion of bureaucracy and interwoven with this corruption. The statism born of partisanship and fed him. Sovereignty implies state intervention in all spheres of public and social life. Means, firstly, adoption procedures – typically bureaucratic and useless – which guarantee to enhance the numerical staffing of public areas, which has primary responsibility as the Public Administration. It means, secondly, strong state presence in the production process. Finally statism reflects the mindset that considers the ‘impersonal’ State responsible and accountable for everything and requires government intervention at all, shifting so-virtually eliminating-the personal responsibility of citizens and public officials. The combination of these phenomena leads to immobility and inaction.
The expanding statism and political spheres. Starting with the state funding, the existing parties tend to change in a closed oligopoly misprint and public services. Main symptoms peculiar party statism is to develop mechanisms and customer relationship managers and wealth associated with the state sector. The result is alienation from society and infertility in visions and new ideas.
The sections that attempts George Papandreou, opening society, enrollment friends, decentralization of party operation and parallel operation non-partisan organizations (ISTAME, everyday citizens) contribute to the desired privatization of PASOK.

The political cost

The fear of the political cost of any changes of status-guo, deterrent at the party, government and private levels. The fate of almost all policies ventured to implement reform intersections turned on examples to avoid. George Rallis, in the first election after the implementation of the educational reform of 1976 and the introduction of demotic, was rescued at the last position of the Members elected. Anastasios melon, after the implementation of the Law on the ASEP, closed the door (because windows are open) for partisan appointments to the State has failed to re-election.

The Arabs – unrip

The continued Arabs – unpick that accompanies not only the alternation of parties in power, and the alternation of Ministers of the same party, a major cause of failure of reform. The current opposition is not limited to realize the political cost that causes a reform in each government. Promises to overthrow the reform just take power. Characteristic behavior of the Karamanlis government towards large incision Kapodistrias plan to join the TABs. Recently, there have been violent incidents in areas, residents whose current prime minister had promised before the elections the “empowerment” of communities, because they kept the promise of only three communities, already threatened the continuation and expansion of antimetarrythmistikou wave and risks canceled. a difficult and important reform. The long-suffering sector of education is a model of the tide sweeping reforms. Although everyone omnyoun the need to implement a national policy on Education, almost every government and every minister consider their debt to overturn the policy of their predecessors and implement their own reform.

Benefits and Costs

The temporal distribution of benefits and costs of each reform is a serious bottleneck in the reform effort. The benefit, as a rule, is not immediate. Therefore, those who are going to benefit not realize and do not support the change. However, the cost directly incurred and those affected, usually or with all motivated by organized minorities react dynamically and prevent or reverse the change.

Crisis of confidence

The lack of trust in the real objectives of the reform, due to accumulated unreliability of the political system, fueling reactions, resulting in the solution of a problem to be considered more dreaded by the problem. Reactions justifiable to the extent that the partisanship and cronyism dominate public life, laundered and gather broad acceptance. Characteristic weakness of the evaluation of the management of education and public administration. The lack of confidence that the evaluation will be done by unimpeachable and merit, it allows those who are fighting for selfish reasons to prevent, so far, to implement.

For an effective reform movement

Reforms to be feasible and acceptable must serve the public interest by making meaningful and effective changes in institutions, game rules and policy instruments for the promotion of social, welfare and progress of the whole. Then only reforms have social acceptance and duration. This strengthens social cohesion, a fundamental prerequisite for a balanced economic and social development. Although reforms have usually technocratic starting point, the contents of which can not and should not be one-dimensional technocratic. They convey meaningful political, reveal their identity, encapsulate values, pregnant developments.

Social vision

Citizens side when a reformist vision, offer more even sacrificing acquired enough to be convinced that labors and sacrifices of serving goals that will improve the lives of their own and their children. Citizens are willing to undergo sacrifices for the sake of a vision, which gives them the right to hope. No reform can not succeed unless you convince those who are concerned that it is to increase the benefits of a third party, but the public interest. That’s why in a climate dominated by artfully cultivated phobias and exacerbated by phenomena such as government inaction for fear of the political cost, the reaction of organized minorities and magnifying (up deforming) the operation of ‘television democracy, “the necessary reforms, did not find social supports the desired intensity for social acceptance and safeguard them ..
A new social vision that is shared fairly Gravitational benefits of the market economy is the big challenge in substance must live. The combination of reforms and social cohesion requires an increased sense of social responsibility by the State and the social partners. Requires the creation of a new balance between public and private. Requires the state to set rules that apply to everyone, to ensure their implementation. Do not socialized costs or privatized benefit. This is the modern social demand. The progress of society is more connected than ever, with social cohesion policy. This is the great challenge for Greece and for Europe. This is the main difference between the center-left and center-right.

Strategic plan

The realization of large-scale reform requires a strong and well-crafted strategic plan. Modern Europe and Greece can no longer rely on intensive activities of unskilled labor. To meet with success in the international competition must invest primarily in education, vocational education and training in innovation and technology to improve the quality and to move up the technological level of the products and services we produce. The big challenge for our economy is to attract foreign investment and openness through increased exports. And even as the reforms necessary for growth, so important is the development of a socio-economic background of the reforms.
The plan, to be credible, it must transparently analyze the cost and benefit. No reform can succeed only when others lose and others win only. Compensatory policies for those who suffer a necessary complement any serious reform policy. I use an example on campus. The abolition of the seniority list for the appointment of teachers should be accompanied by paid retraining programs for former graduates either to compete on equal terms with the youngest either refocusing professional to join the labor market outside the education sector.

The political year

Bids political time (timing) is an essential element for the implementation of a reform plan. The grace period that is after the elections a government and the electoral cycle delimit the period which is offered to pursue reforms. Why this time period nor the government’s credibility is impaired or is strong fear of political cost. The productive time a government is essentially limited to the first two years of office. So I think we should seriously discussed in the new constitutional amendment, increasing the parliamentary term from four to five years. Five years, in my opinion, provides the government greater scope to implement a comprehensive program and be judged on its results.

The vehicle of reforms

The parties are the vehicle and their role in parliamentary democracy is essential for the promotion of reform. Are carriers rallying active citizens, and must generate ideas and policies. Thus, the current ruling party is the instrument that can ensure the commitment of society to a reform program .. The question is whether the current parties can respond to this weight.

The political climate

Essential prerequisite for the success of reform is the political climate. Political tensions not create favorable conditions for fruitful dialogue and consensus necessary for a reform project. One of the main reasons that the government Mitsotaki failed to implement reforms in the key sectors of Education and the Economy was the tense political climate because of referral Papandreou to the Special Court in the context of so-called “cleansing”. The same mistake, to a lesser extent, echoed the current government.

The process

Equally important as the choice of targets is the procedure to be followed for a successful reform effort. Requires long and continuous consultation exhaustive public information on the objectives of changes, decisions and measures properly. Many times poor or incomplete process determines the fate of a reform more than the substantial correctness of the same reform. However, even if all the conditions are ensured not neutralized, aprioori, the risk of social conflicts. Conflicts always be there but the possible cancellation or overturning a reform is reduced, it suffices to argue with sincerity, strength and competence.